




Democratic leaders, increasingly confident they will seize control of the House in November, are laying plans for a legislative blitz during their first week in power that would raise the minimum wage, roll back parts of the Republican prescription drug law, implement homeland security measures and reinstate lapsed budget deficit controls.
House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (Calif.) said in an interview last week that a Democratic House would launch a series of investigations of the Bush administration, beginning with the White House's first-term energy task force and probably including the use of intelligence in the run-up to the invasion of Iraq. Pelosi denied Republican allegations that a Democratic House would move quickly to impeach President Bush. But, she said of the planned investigations, "You never know where it leads to."


ALL the ingredients for a spy thriller involving prostitutes, poker, a congressman called Randy and parties at the legendary Watergate complex may lie behind the sudden resignation of Porter Goss as director of the CIA last Friday.
The saga has already been named “Hookergate” and the CIA is buzzing with rumours that there is more to Goss’s departure than meets the eye.
The timing is certainly curious, coming hard on the heels of the CIA’s confirmation last week that Kyle “Dusty” Foggo, the number three in the nation’s spy centre who was hand-picked by Goss, had attended poker games at the Watergate and Westin Grand hotels in Washington with Brent Wilkes, a defence contractor and close boyhood friend.


The Senate ignored President Bush's veto threat yesterday and easily passed a $109 billion emergency spending bill for war and hurricane recovery costs that also brimmed with favors for farmers, the fishing industry and the states of Hawaii and Rhode Island.
The two-week debate that preceded yesterday's 77 to 21 final vote was marked by an election-year surge in targeted spending on behalf of constituents and special interests, despite repeated warnings by fiscal conservatives about a swollen budget deficit.
The Senate added money to rebuild a highway in Hawaii; protect riverbanks in California; upgrade a hurricane barrier in Providence, R.I.; and compensate New England shell fishermen for their losses from a red tide outbreak. The Senate also took steps to remove the risk from farming by offering compensation for virtually any scourge, including drought, flood, wildfires and pestilence.


The matter of Rumsfeld v. the Generals bears close scrutiny. The controversy represents the worst breach in civil-military relations since Harry Truman dismissed Gen. Douglas MacArthur in 1951 for his conduct and his criticism of the president during the Korean War. It has proven an unwelcome distraction for Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and the Joint Chiefs, and has added to the already considerable woes of President Bush in his role as a wartime commander-in-chief.
Notably, the calls from a group of recently retired generals that Rumsfeld should resign has also thrust senior military leaders and, by proxy, the uniformed services into the middle of a hyperpartisan political argument -- territory from which the U.S. military rarely escapes unscathed.
Given the nearly unprecedented nature of the controversy, what is perhaps most remarkable is how utterly unsurprising it is to anyone who has spent time with senior military officers, in the field, over drinks at the officers' club, or especially on the ground in Iraq. The fact that the Army chief of staff came out of retirement to take the job after sources say at least three active-duty generals declined it, and reports that the Marine Corps commandant, Gen. Michael W. Hagee, may retire before his term is up, speak volumes about the frayed state of civil-military relations in today's Pentagon.

A reprise of last year's tussle between Congress and the Bush administration over the treatment of terrorism detainees could be on the horizon, this time in the run-up to the fall elections.
The Senate Armed Services Committee voted Thursday to require the administration to provide a legal opinion on how it is complying with - and thus interprets - a ban on cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of prisoners.
The administration has been fiercely protective about its policies governing the treatment of detainees in the war on terrorism. The Republican-run Congress approved the ban on prisoner mistreatment after overcoming months of opposition by the White House.


Dear Mr. President,
Americans are increasingly uneasy about this nation's energy policies. They see prices at the gas pump that have grown more than 100 percent in the past five years with no relief in sight. They see an Administration and a Congress reward energy companies with billions in tax breaks, even as those companies ring up billions in profits and provide their executives with compensation packages that can only be labeled obscene. And, perhaps most troubling of all, they see our growing dependence on unstable foreign energy sources and your Administration's continued inattention to the threat of global warming, both of which undermine our nation's security.
We write today to urge you to provide the leadership needed to address this crisis by immediately utilizing all of the existing powers of your office and to work with us to fashion sound bipartisan legislative solutions. We believe the energy situation requires greater and more effective action and leadership than shown thus far by your Administration and the Republican Congress. Democrats have repeatedly sought to provide temporary relief from rising energy prices. We have sought urgent action to pass a meaningful Federal anti-price gouging law. We have also sought to make the real investments necessary to rapidly shift the course of the nation's increasing dependency on oil. And we have pushed your Administration to take actions to address the growing concerns of global warming and restore U.S. leadership on this critical issue. Unfortunately, each of our attempts have been blocked by your White House or Congressional Republican leadership.
Starring George Bush and Jack Abramhoff
In his latest column, Paul Krugman of the New York Times points out that covering every American with Medicare would be cheaper than America's current health care system. No doubt that those who profit from the current system will label him a communist, a socialist who wants the government to pick your doctor, or a traitor. Such labels are a price of speaking the truth these days.
Krugman's analysis centers on the "medical cost ratio", which he defines
"as the percentage of insurance premiums paid out to doctors, hospitals and other health care providers."
Krugman states that Medicare spends "about 98% of its funds on actual medical care", while
"Aetna spends less than 80 cents of each dollar in health insurance premiums on actually providing medical care. The other 20 cents go into profits, marketing and administrative expenses."


The President and his administration have no sense of scale - no ability to judge what is socially acceptable and what is not. Their perceptions are so deeply focused on their own end-game of personal glory that they forget the impact they have on the common man.

The chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, accusing the White House of a ''very blatant encroachment" on congressional authority, said yesterday he will hold an oversight hearing into President Bush's assertion that he has the power to bypass more than 750 laws enacted over the past five years.
''There is some need for some oversight by Congress to assert its authority here," Arlen Specter, Republican of Pennsylvania, said in an interview. ''What's the point of having a statute if . . . the president can cherry-pick what he likes and what he doesn't like?"


President Bush declared last week that the national anthem should be sung in English not Spanish, but he evidently never told his own government or campaign organizations.
The State Department posts four Spanish versions of "The Star-Spangled Banner" on its Web site, and accounts from the 2000 election suggest that the song was at times performed in Spanish at Bush campaign events. Critics even turned up one reference to Bush himself singing the anthem in Spanish on the trail, but there was no confirmation.


We're winning the war on terror? Why doesn't someone tell the terrorists (and maybe even our "allies.") Riverbend
Today we watched footage of Iraqi soldiers in Anbar graduating. The whole ceremony was quite ordinary up until nearly the end- their commander announced they would be deployed to various areas and suddenly it was chaos. The soldiers began stripping their fatigues and throwing them around, verbally attacking their seniors and yelling and shoving. They were promised, when they signed up for the army in their areas, that they would be deployed inside of their own areas- which does make sense. There is news that they are currently on strike- refusing to be deployed outside of their own provinces.


According to the Financial Times
President George W. Bush had shown disdain and indifference for the US constitution by adopting an "astonishingly broad" view of presidential powers, a leading libertarian think-tank said on Monday.
The critique from the Cato Institute reflects growing criticism by conservatives about administration policy in areas such as the "war on terror" and undermining congressional power.
"The pattern that emerges is one of a ceaseless push for power, unchecked by either the courts or Congress, one in short of disdain for constitutional limits," the report by legal scholars Gene Healy and Timothy Lynch concludes.
The Cato Institute's Wikpedia entry says:
Though officially non-partisan, Cato is heavily linked to the Republican Party and the conservative movement in general. The large donors who fund both Cato and Republican candidates include Fed Ex founder Fred Smith, Australian-born media tycoon and Fox CEO Rupert Murdoch, tobacco-maker Phillip Morris, the John M. Olin Foundation, and Charles Koch. Cato also draws its staff largely from a Washington DC-based pool of Republican writers and lobbyists.




The job of a president," George W. Bush used to say almost daily during the 2004 campaign, "is to confront problems, not to pass them on to future presidents and future generations."
Astute observers may have noticed he's been saying that a bit less frequently these days. Yesterday showed why.
The president was over at the Washington Hilton, speaking to the American Hospital Association about his Medicare Modernization Act of 2003. "When I came into office I found a Medicare program that was outdated," he announced. Seeing this "not very cost-effective" program, he continued, "I decided to do something about it. And I worked with the Congress, and we passed critical legislation that modernizes Medicare."
An hour after Bush finished his speech, Treasury Secretary John W. Snow kicked off a news conference announcing the latest on Medicare's financial standing. The "modernized," cost-effective program is forecast to go belly-up in 2018 -- two years earlier than previously forecast.


Shortly before the first Gulf war, recently retired chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral William Crowe, warned his successor, General Colin Powell in words that resonate even today. He said that a war in the Middle East, killing thousands of Arabs for whatever noble cause, would set back the United States in the region for a long time. (A discernible observer would admit that Crowe's prediction has since come true).
But despite his warning, the Admiral knew that US military intervention was imminent, because it involved presidential prestige. To be a great president, he told Powell, the presidents must have their wars. One has to find a war even if there isn't one. President Bush is credited with both.
Six years into his presidency it is difficult to think of a single, substantial foreign policy initiative that the US President George Bush pursued but that did not involve war or its threat. This is not without a reason. It is one area in which America indisputably reigns supreme, accounting alone for 40% of the global military expenditure and spending; almost seven times the amount spent by its nearest rival, China.
Yet, greatness eludes George Bush. For if the last six years have proved anything it is the limits of military might as the central plank of foreign policy. Indeed, shorn of any meaningful diplomacy or rational approach even to military problems, Bush has clearly failed both on making America any safer and securing its global hegemony. In displaying his hubris and machismo in a brash, brutal, and ruthless manner, Bush could have asserted power, but certainly lost authority and influence both at home and abroad.
For more of the excellent article by M Abdul Hafiz - click here


Of the ten countries polled in 2004 and again in 2005 by the Pew research group, the US has fallen in public estimation in eight of them. In only three -- Britain, Canada, and Russia -- did a majority still look upon the US charitably.
The reasons are not hard to find. Only weeks back the country that aspires to lead the free world stood alongside only Israel, Palau and the Marshal Islands in rejecting the creation of a new UN council to protect human rights. Only the US and Somalia (which has no recognized government) have failed to ratify the UN convention on the rights of children.
For long, the US clung to the notion that military strength would always have the last say and none of these syndromes mattered. It could well strut the world stage chanting: "no one likes us, we don't care." Indeed, in the wake of 9/11, it wore its unpopularity as a badge of honour.
But as events in Iraq have soured, the ability of the Bush administration to deliver on these threats has diminished considerably. With its military over-stretched and its diplomatic resources exhausted it has apparently been forced back to a position of relative weakness because nobody trust it or particularly fears it. If anything, both Iran and North Korea have lately been emboldened by the US failures in the Gulf.
